Appendix V: Petition of Akbar II

PETITION OF AKBAR II, THE MUGHAL KING OF DELHI, TO KING GEORGE IV OF ENGLAND, AS DRAFTED BY RAMMOHUN ROY.

To His Majesty the King of the British Empire, Etc., etc., etc.

Sire! My Brother! It is with a mingled feeling of humility and pride that I approach your Majesty with the language of fraternal equality at the very time that the occasion of my addressing your Majesty compels me to consider myself rather as a supplicant at the footstool of your Majesty’s throne than as a Monarch entitled to assume the style, and claim the privileges of royalty.

2. Sire! I do not forget who or what I am, I cannot forget that I am a King only in name, and that I have nothing in common with your Majesty and the other sovereigns of the earth but a title conceded to me with no other effect than to aggravate the humiliation and unhappiness in which I am involved. Yet low as is my condition I have not lost the feelings of humanity, and I claim from your Majesty that justice which is not denied to the meanest of your Majesty’s subjects.

3. I do not forget it who and what your Majesty is—that your Majesty is the rightful and acknowledged sovereign of a powerful, a wise and renowned people, and that, in the plentitude of your Majesty’s greatness, even a small portion of your Majesty’s subjects are permitted to exercise the government of these vast and populous territories which it was the glory of many of my ancestors to rule in person. But I also remember that those very subjects, although elevated to the dignity of empire, are still amenable to your Majesty for every part of their conduct, and I therefore confidently rely that your Majesty will not permit them wantonly to violate the solemn engagements of their faith and honour pledged to the once dreaded and illustrious, but now powerless house of Timur. In me that race is deeply humbled, but the extensive conquests, the noble actions, and the splendid form of the dynasty which I so unworthily represent, remain imperishably written on the faithful page of history. My ancestors made a magnanimous use of the victories and conquests which their swords, not perfidy or intrigues, achieved. They disdained to trample down on a vanquished foe, even when they could crush him with impunity. The voice of the whole world proclaims that your Majesty is in an eminent degree distinguished by the same sublime and generous virtues and I repose therefore with entire confidence in the innate nobleness of your Majesty’s mind and in your Majesty’s refined and exalted sense of National faith and justice.

4. I hasten to specify the wrongs of which I complain and to substantiate my allegations by the necessary proofs. In brief, then, I beg to call your Majesty’s attention to the accompanying articles of convention which were transmitted to my august father from the Governor-General in Council in conformity with the promise made by Lord Lake and which were duly recognized on both sides as expressive of the mutual obligations of the contracting parties, but of which the first and most important clause is now injuriously evaded.

5. That article provides that “all the Mahals to the west of the Jumna situated between the west and north of mouza Kabilpoor shall be considered the crownlands of his Majesty.” The second article provides that “the management of these mahals shall be continued according to custom in the hands of the Resident”; but in proof that the entire revenues were to be placed at the Royal disposal, it is expressly provided in the third article that “for his Majesty’s satisfaction, the Royal Mootsuddies (or civil officers) shall attend at the Cutchery to keep accounts of the receipts and disbursements and report the same to his Majesty.” The memorandum referred to in the seventh article specifies a minimum of monthly stipends for the King and the Royal Household and that article provides that the sums so specified shall be paid monthly from the public Treasury, “whether the whole of the amount is or is not collected from the Khalsa lands.” The English article to which I solicit your Majesty’s special attention contains the important provision that “should the collections from the above mahals increase in consequence of extending cultivation and the improved condition of the ryots a proportioned augmentation will take place in the King’s Peshcush or Revenue” and, finally, to shew that the royal stipend was to consist, not of the net, but of the gross produce without any deduction, the eleventh article provides that “the expense of the Troops, Police corps, etc., employed in the Khalsah shall be defrayed by the Honourable Company.” What could be more clear and explicit than these provisions? What words could have more strictly guarded against the possibility of perversion or misapprehension? Yet the first and most important point has been since rendered a dead letter, as if neither honour nor justice demanded their fulfilment.

6. In the recent communication which I have had with your Majesty’s late representative in India, Lord Amherst, on this subject, there is the admission that “it was the original intention of Government to have assigned certain mahals to the west of the Jumna for the support of His Majesty and the Royal family”, but it is added, “The plan was never from unavoidable causes carried completely into effect.” It now seems to be tacitly inferred that therefore it ought not ever to be carried into effect. To me and to my family, to my immediate dependents, and to the numerous individuals who cannot refuse their disinterested sympathy to my fallen house, it does not appear clearly to follow, because an act of justice has hitherto been denied that it could never be performed, nor when we consider what British power and influence have accomplished, can we bring ourselves to believe that any causes would have proved unavoidable, if a disposition really favourable to the accomplishment of the object had existed. The assertion, however, that “the plan was never carried completely into effect”, is essentially erroneous; for while the revenues of the assigned mahals did not exceed the minimum of the Royal stipends and allowances, the Royal Mootsuddies were allowed to attend at the Cutchery in conformity with the third stipulation, for the express purpose of keeping accounts of the receipts and disbursements and reporting the same to my august father and to myself. The right and title of the Royal family to the entire revenues of the mahals were thus for a length of time distinctly and unequivocally acknowledged by the concession to the Royal mootsuddies of the power of supervision and report, but when those revenues materially exceeded the minimum of the Royal stipends, then it was that it became inconvenient to carry the plan completely into effect; and the Royal Mootsuddies were in consequence directed to withdraw their attendance at the Cutchery. In like manner the practice of submitting by the Resident for my Royal decision the proceedings in cases where capital punishment was adjusted by the Criminal Court, has also long since been discontinued in neglect of the provision contained in the sixth article of agreement.

7. Even in the communication above-mentioned, insult in point of form was added to injustice. All the Governors-General who have preceded Lord Amherst in the government of the British territories in India have thought it no degradation to themselves to address me or my august father in the style that custom has accorded to Royalty. Lord Amherst however thought proper to reduce me in his form of communication to the footing of an equal, and thereby to rob me even of the cheap gratification of the usual ceremonials of address as to humble me as far as possible in the eyes of all ranks of people.

8. Before, however, these derogatory steps were adopted, repeated, solemn and public recognitions of the claims of my Royal family to the revenues of the assigned mahals had been recorded in the code of Regulations and Laws enacted by the Governor-General in Council for the civil government of the territories under the Presidency of Fort William in Bengal. Thus at section 4th of Regulation XI of 1804, it is clearly expressed that “the revenues of the territory on the right bank of the Jumna are assigned to His Majesty Shah Alam”; and precisely the same language is repeated at sections 22nd and 35 of the same Regulation; at section 3rd of Regulation VI of 1805, and at sections 2nd and 4th of the Regulation VIII of the same year. At sections 1st and 2nd of Regulation X of 1807, and at section 1st of Regulation XI of the same year, the language is similar although more general, for in these “the territory assigned for the support of the Royal family at Dehlee” is mentioned without specifying its locality as in the former instances, the very absence of this specification marking its notoriety and the distinctness of the purpose to which the revenues of that territory were exclusively applicable. These declarations cannot be disavowed, retracted or misapprehended. They are embodied in the code of Regulations by which this branch of the British Indian Empire is governed, and they incontrovertibly demonstrate that for a series of years the plan was carried completely into effect and the right of my family to the revenues of the districts in question was clearly and undisguisedly admitted.

9. Even the minimum of the Royal stipends was at one time arbitrarily and unjustly curtailed of several items, contrary to the express provisions contained in the stipulations and without consent of the contracting party, whose rights were thereby violated, having been obtained or even sought. It was in this way that one of the items amounting to 10,000 Rupees for support of the Heir-Apparent was reduced to 7000, a second of 5000 Rupees for Mirza Ezzud Buxsh to 2000, and a third amounting to Sa. Rs. 2,500 for Shah Newaz Khan a connection of His Majesty, was entirely resumed at his death and his family thus left destitute. To crown these acts it has been pretended that an augmentation to the Royal stipend made in the year 1809 amounting, after several previous deductions, only to Sa. Rs. 13,200 per mensem was granted by way of commutation for the Royal claims on the improved revenues of the Khalsah lands though so far was such an arrangement from receiving my sanction that the increase was only communicated to me as a resolution taken by the Government without the slightest reference to the pretended equivalent.

10. The original articles of agreement are either binding or they are not. If they are binding, then any alteration or commutation of any part of the Royal income made by one party without the consent of the other, to whom it is injurious, must be null and void. If they are not binding, this must be either because they were never entered into, which cannot be affirmed, or because some subsequent voluntary arrangement between the two contracting parties has superseded their obligation. But no arrangement tending to supersede the original articles of agreement has ever been voluntarily recognized by my Royal predecessor or myself, and therefore the numerous and unauthorized deviations from the provisions which they contain constitute series of direct and systematic violations of truth, honour and justice.

11. A relation of the particulars connected with this pretended increase of Rs. 13,200 per mensem will show to your Majesty how little real was the value of the alleged concession. When the gross and palpable infringements by the local authorities on the stipulation entered into with Lord Wellesley’s Government were brought to the notice of Lord Minto in the year 1809 and the Royal claims on the then improved revenues of the Khalsa mahal set forth; that noble man virtually admitted the wrongs that had been inflicted and the total sum of the Royal stipends including the allowances on the Princes and Princesses and every contingency, which after several deductions, then amounted to only Sa. Rs. 86,000, was raised to one lakh, the real augmentation being however considerably less in amount than this apparent one. By Lord Wellesley’s agreement the allowance to the Royal family¹ was paid under the following heads:—

so that the stipend established by Lord Minto in 1809 then considered as providing an increase of allowance to the extent of Rs. 13,200 per mensem as above stated, and also alleged to be in satisfaction of the terms of the treaty, in fact added no more than the paltry sum of Rs. 5,667 to the original minimum provision. But even this augmentation was granted arbitrarily, without any reference to the amount actually due by stipulation and without my consent being asked or obtained; and it was moreover accompanied by an insulting intimation that the “sovereignty I possess is only nominal” and that the Governor General’s recognition of it is merely “Complimentary.” Does “the complimentary recognition of a nominal sovereignty” authorize or justify the arbitrary infringement of direct and positive obligations, or denude myself and family of the common rights of men and society? Because the Governor General in Council condescends to recognize in me an empty title, is it therefore that the solemn faith of the British nation, and Government may be wantonly broken? Do I become less entitled to the performance of the contract that has been entered into with my family, because my ancestors were great and powerful and I am feeble and helpless, held down by those who make my weakness and degradation the excuse for their injustice? I cherish the confident persuasion that your Majesty will not sanction the principle that in my case a National contract ought not or need not to be fulfilled, because I am powerless to enforce its obligations. What King or subject will avow such a principle, except in India and to the injured and unhappy House of Taimur?

12. I have now briefly explained to your Majesty the wrongs I have suffered and the rights which I demand. I claim the entire revenues, whatever they may be, of the mahals originally assigned for the support of the Royal family unjustly alienated from the rightful owner and appropriated to themselves by the Honourable Company. I claim restitution of the sums of which the Royal family have been deprived in past years, and I claim your Majesty’s guarantee for the rigid fulfilment in future of the articles of convention by which a minimum is fixed for the Royal stipend, by which the gross revenues of the mahals to the west of the Jumna are assigned to the Royal family should they exceed that minimum, and by which the means and opportunity of obtaining a perfect knowledge of the actual revenues of those mahals are stipulated rights. I am not unaware of the practical evil that is likely to result, according to the known principles, of human nature, by imposing upon one party all the toil of superintendence and all the expense of improvement, and bestowing upon another all the fruits of his labour and sacrifices. I am therefore willing to submit to any reasonable compromise of my rights, either by assuming for fit compensation all the trouble and outlay attending the Government, police, and cultivation of the territory in question, or by receiving a fixed monthly sum in lieu of all further claims. In the latter case the present gross annual revenues of the mahals would form a proper standard, and if they do not fall short of 30 lakhs, I hereby offer to commute all my prospective claims under the articles of convention for that yearly stipend.

13. If I were to regard merely your Majesty’s personal character, it might be sufficent to show, as I have done, that my claims are just. But your Majesty has also a public character to sustain and a public duty to discharge, and it behoves me therefore to satisfy your Majesty that the concession of my undoubted rights may be renderd perfectly consistent with sound policy and a just regard to the safety and permanence of the British rule in India. The largeness of the sum I have mentioned, considered by itself, without any reference to the numerous regular, and increasing demands upon my exhausted treasury, might seem to indicate a wish to accumulate money for some concealed and hostile purpose: I utterly disavow every such object as alike dishonourable to the race from which I have sprung and inconsistent with the open course which I have ever pursued. Some of my ancestors have fallen victims of the disloyalty of others, but they never betrayed those who confided in their honour, and in imitation of their noble examples, while I have not hesitated and will still continue to complain of the injustice I have suffered and vindicate the rights that belong to me, I will not disgrace them and myself by secret machinations against a Power which I dare not combat in the open field. As a complete security against any such attempt, I will cheerfully agree not to retain more than 12 lakhs of Rupees in my treasury at any one time, to invest the surplus, should there be any, in the loans opened by the British Government; and to forfeit to the Honourable Company any sum found in my possession in excess of that amount not so invested. If any other check can be suggested which shall not subject me to a degrading inquisition in all the minutiae of my expenditure, I shall willingly accede to it.

14. But to a Prince of your Majesty’s enlarged and magnanimous views it will be obvious that the most just and generous policy must also be the most wise and provident. For on what firmer bases can the duty and tranquillity of the subjects of a distant and conquered country be founded, or the confidence of surrounding States, naturally jealous of their independence, be establshed than on the irresistible evidence continually presented to them of good faith and moderation displayed in the strict observance of engagements even if burthensome and although spontaneously entered into with one bereft of the power of dictating terms or of effectually resenting their violation.

15. Should, on the other hand, a conspicuous example subsist of broken compact on the part of your Majesty’s Vicegerents towards me, because no longer in a condition to vindicate my rights by an appeal to arms—if contempt and indignity be measured out to the representative of a once mighty monarchy in proportion as he is powerless to inforce respect, your Majesty’s acquired subjects, once amongst those of my ancestors, now with anxious fears observing the conduct of their new rulers, the neighbouring Princes who have beheld with alarm the progress of your Majesty’s arms, nay the whole civilized world, will assuredly sympathize with my griefs and look on my oppressors with the feelings and wishes which their conduct must infallibly inspire.

16. If I had any doubt of the justice of my claims, I might still rest them on an appeal to your Majesty’s known generosity. I might remind your Majesty of the time when my ancestors ruled supreme over these countries, where their wretched descendant and the sole representative of their dynasty is compelled to drag on a dependent existence in a dilapidated palace, exposed to the contempt or receiving the sympathy of the different classes of society, both Europeans and Asiatics, who resort to Dehlee, with means utterly inadequate to support the dignity even of a nominal sovereignty or to afford a scanty subsistence to the numerous branches of his family who look to him as their only stay. But I will not resort to such a plea. I will not condescend to accept, and your Majesty will disdain to confer, as a favour, that which is due as a right. I rest my cause on your Majesty’s high-minded sense of honour and justice. I cannot permit myself to suppose that your Majesty will lend a deaf ear to my complaints. I address by this letter not only your Majesty but the world at large and I anticipate the plaudits which present and future ages will bestow on your Majesty’s benevolent and enlightened sympathy with the unworthy representative of the once great and illustrious, though now fallen, House of Taimur.

17. To your Majesty what need I say more?²

Here is Appendix VI from The Life and Letters of Raja Rammohun Roy.