CHAPTER V.

Earl of Mornington, afterwards Marquis Wellesley, appointed governor-general—State of India on his arrival—Treaty with the Nizam—Disbandment of the French corps—War with Tippoo—Siege and capture of Seringapatam—Settlement of Mysore.

When Lord Hobart was appointed to the government of Madras, he was also nominated provisional successor to Sir John Shore. Some time, however, before the resignation of the latter, a new arrangement was contemplated. The new appointment occasioned some surprise; Marquis Cornwallis was to resume his office of governor-general. The main reason for this was the state of the Company’s European army. A series of new regulations had been proposed, and received with so much dissatisfaction that a general mutiny of the officers was threatened. In consequence of their hostility to the plan of amalgamating all the European troops in India, they had appointed delegates and framed resolutions, which they urged with great intemperance. The delegates formed into an executive board, who were to treat with the government. They were bound to secrecy, and were guaranteed, in the name of the whole army, both from penal consequences and pecuniary loss. One of their determinations was, that if the new regulations expected from Europe did not speedily arrive, they would judge for themselves, and enforce their decision at any hazard. When the regulations did arrive they gave little satisfaction, and seem to have been as unpalatable to government as to the officers, since the governor-general (Sir John Shore), in a minute dated December 1, 1796, considered them not “founded on solid principles, or framed with any knowledge of the country.” While matters were in this threatening position a brevet arrived from England. It would have promoted several king’s officers over officers of the Company of longer standing, and as this was a grievance to which the executive board had declared their determination no longer to submit, the Bengal government, afraid of the consequences, protested against the issue of the brevet, and induced Sir Robert Abercromby to suppress it. In a letter subsequently written to the secret committee of directors, the governor-general intimated that he would be obliged, partially at least, to give way. The authorities at home, alarmed at the violence of the officers and the apparent want of firmness in the Indian government, immediately urged the re-appointment of Marquis Cornwallis.

In the correspondence on this subject, Mr. Dundas in opening it addressed the Marquis as follows:—“Allow me to say to your lordship, that if you could bring yourself to forego the comforts of home for one year more of your life, and to spend three months at Bengal, and as much at Madras, you would do the greatest service to your country that ever any man had it in his power to do.” In conclusion he says, “Take out your successors with you, teach them the road they should pursue, and having done that duty and settled all India by your presence and authority, you may return after six months in the same ship of war that would carry you out. And you will have the satisfaction of reflecting (and of transmitting the sentiment to your posterity) that you have twice been the instrument, in the hands of Providence, to save to the British empire in India that stake, in which no rational man can doubt that its permanent prosperity and stability do above all others truly rest.” Mr. Dundas had again proposed to go himself, and hence Marquis Cornwallis answered—“I think on every account that you would succeed better than myself, especially as great pains have been taken from the moment of my leaving India, to impress on the minds of the Bengal officers that my sentiments were not favourable towards them, and that I was partial to the king’s troops. If, however, you cannot go yourself, which I shall think very unfortunate for our Indian possessions, and if you and Mr. Pitt should be of opinion that, by once more doubling the Cape of Good Hope, I can render essential service to my country, I shall not depart from the line of conduct which I have invariably pursued through life, of sacrificing all private considerations of comfort and happiness to the service of the public.”

After giving this consent, Marquis Cornwallis began to make his preparations, but on learning that the mutiny of the sailors at Portsmouth had broken out a second time, and that the landing of a French army in Ireland was every day expected, he felt that this was not “a time to be occupied about speculative arrangements of the Indian army,” and told Mr. Dundas, who was about to bring a bill into parliament for the purpose of giving legislative authority to the proposed regulations, that “there could be no hurry about the bill, as it was impossible that, under the present calamitous circumstances of this country, he could embark for India.” He had already been sworn into office as governor-general, and believed that these events had only postponed his departure. Meanwhile, the Board of Control and the court of directors were discussing the regulations with a committee of Bengal officers sitting in London. This proceeding, which, but for the critical state of the times, could scarcely have been resorted to, appears to have been regarded by Marquis Cornwallis as unbecoming, and accordingly, when he found that concessions were made contrary to his opinion, he considered it unnecessary to proceed on the voyage, and resigned his appointment on the 2d of August, 1797. Ultimately, at the earnest request of Mr. Pitt, he accepted the united offices of Lord-lieutenant of Ireland and commander-in-chief. The office of governor-general was conferred in October, 1797, on the Earl of Mornington, afterwards Marquis Wellesley. His appointment may have been originally suggested by his intimacy with the family of Marquis Cornwallis, whose uncle, afterwards Archbishop Cornwallis, had been his tutor at Eton, and by his possession of the qualification to which, as we have seen, his majesty attached great importance—that of being “a very proper man of distinction.” He had at the same time personal claims of a high order. His appearances in the House of Lords had given evidence of distinguished talents, and his office as a lord of the treasury had given him an opportunity of proving his aptitude for business. With this office, which he had held from 1786, was united in 1795 that of an unpaid commissioner of the Board of Control, and thus during the two years preceding his appointment as governor-general his attention must have been specially directed to Indian subjects.

The Earl of Mornington sailed from England on the 9th of November, 1797, and arrived at Madras in April, 1798. Here his administration may be said to have commenced in the settlement of a disputed succession in Tanjore, but as the final decision was not at this time announced, nor the arrangements consequent upon it, the details must in the meantime be deferred. On the 18th of May the governor-general arrived at Calcutta, and lost no time in entering upon his duties. In order to understand their nature, and form a judgment on the manner in which he discharged them, it will be necessary to take a brief survey of the state of affairs, both within the British territories and the principal adjoining states. The nominal limits of the Bengal presidency did not differ much from what they were after the grant of the dewannee obtained by Clive. The only extension of any consequence was in the north-west, where the zemindary of Benares, including also that of Ghazipoor, was acquired during the administration of Mr. Hastings, and the fortress of Allahabad during that of Lord Teignmouth. These acquisitions had previously belonged to Oude, which was now so entirely dependent on the British government, that the presidency might now be held virtually to include it within its limits. In the Bombay presidency, where Mr. Duncan had for some time been governor, the boundaries had fluctuated greatly within a recent period. It promised at one time to extend far to the north, and had appropriated considerable tract of territory, or at least a large amount of territorial revenue in Gujarat, but the unfortunate Mahratta war had stripped it of all its conquests, and driven it back nearly to its ancient limits, leaving it little more than the two islands of Bombay and Salsette. The last war with Tippoo had, however, more than compensated it for all its losses, by obtaining for it a large territory stretching southward along the Malabar coast, and eastward to the table-land of Mysore. The presidency of Madras, now governed by Lord Clive, obtained a large accession of territory when his lordship’s father, the true founder of our Indian empire, induced the Mogul to make a full cession to the Company of the Northern Circars. About the same time a considerable tract of territory had been procured from the Nabob of Arcot under the name of a jaghire. Neither the Circars nor the jaghire could be said to be held in absolute property, since, by a humiliating arrangement, tribute was paid for the one to the Nizam, and the very name of the other implied that it had been accepted as a grant from a superior. The case was different with the two important tracts of territory which had been added to the presidency by the curtailment of Mysore, and which had the double advantage of belonging to the Company absolutely and adding to the security of the Carnatic frontier. In addition to these territories the whole nabobship of Arcot and rajahship of Tanjore might be considered as included within the presidency, since, in time of war, the whole of their revenues were managed by the Company, and nothing remained in order to make their possession complete, but a similar power of management in time of peace.

The leading powers with which the Company were in immediate contact, without having established any decided ascendency over them, were Tippoo, the Mahrattas, and the Nizam. It soon appeared that Marquis Cornwallis was too sanguine when he expressed the belief that, by depriving Tippoo of half his territories, and exacting a large sum as the expenses of the war, he had so effectually crippled his resources as to render him incapable of again disturbing the peace of India. Nothing but the anxious desire of recovering his sons, who were detained as hostages, had induced him to fulfil the conditions of the treaty, and he had repeatedly shown, even while fulfilling them, how determined he was again to measure swords with the British, and at once repair the loss and wipe off the disgrace which he had sustained at their hands. During the negotiations which preceded the treaty, he had tried to shake the fidelity of the two native confederates, and the moment it was concluded he endeavoured to conclude arrangements with the Mahrattas, with the view, first of destroying the Nizam, and then making a combined attack on the British settlements. So eagerly was he watching his opportunity, that in 1797, when Ali Jah, the Nizam’s son, rebelled, he immediately assembled an army on the frontier for the purpose of assisting in the rebellion, and was only deterred when he learned that a British force was marching to counteract his designs. Afterwards it appeared that on this occasion he had actually stipulated with Ali Jah for the cession of all the Nizam’s dominions south of the Toombudra and Kistna. His schemes for the expulsion of the British from India took a still more visible shape in 1796, when, after corresponding with the ministers of Zemaun Shah, through his agents at Delhi, he sent a secret embassy to him at Cabool, with a plan which he had sketched out for expelling all infidels and re-establishing Mahometan ascendency in India. But the most decided evidence of Tippoo’s determination to renew hostilities was furnished by his intercourse with the French.

Tippoo had heard of the successes of the French in the revolutionary war, and by direct communication with the Isle of France, had been assured of direct assistance in any struggle into which he might enter with the British. While elated by these promises, he learned that a French privateer which had arrived at Mangalore, apparently in a disabled state, as if to obtain repairs, was commanded by a person of the name of Ripaud, who, in conversation with Gholaum Ali, the meer-e-zem, or lord of admiralty, represented that he was high in office in the Mauritius, and had by special instruction touched at Mangalore, for the purpose of ascertaining Tippoo’s wishes regarding the co-operation of a force which was ready to sail and unite with him for the expulsion of the common enemy. Ripaud was accordingly sent forward to Seringapatam and admitted to several interviews. Tippoo appears to have suspected that the pretended envoy was an impostor, but thought it possible, notwithstanding, to turn his services to account, and therefore proposed, while retaining him in his assumed character, but ostensibly as a servant, to purchase his ship, lade it with merchandise for the Isle of France, and send confidential agents for the purpose of making arrangements respecting the desired armament. After forming this resolution, Tippoo as usual consulted his principal counsellors, who strongly endeavoured to dissuade him from it, “From first to last,” they say, “the language of this man has been that of self-interest and falsehood; nothing has resulted from this business, and nothing can.” They afterwards add, “The object of this state will be better effected than by relying on the agency of this compound of air and water.” The advice was good, but Tippoo contenting himself with his usual remark, “Whatever is the will of God, that will be accomplished,” took his own way. The vessel was purchased for 17,000 rupees, which were handed over to a Frenchman, called by the natives Pernore (apparently a corruption of Pernaud), who was to pay the amount at the Mauritius, agreeably to Ripaud’s instructions. Ripaud himself was to remain at Tippoo’s court as French ambassador. The other officers of the ship were to navigate her, and to be accompanied by four envoys in the assumed character of merchants. One of these was to return with the fleet and army expected; the other three, after seeing the conclusion of the negotiations at the Mauritius, were to proceed as ambassadors to the executive directory at Paris. The four envoys, and Pernore in possession of the money, set out in April, 1797, from Seringapatam, to embark for Mangalore. The night after they reached it Pernore and three others absconded in a boat with the 17,000 rupees and were never more heard of. The expedient now fallen upon was to restore the vessel to Ripaud, after making him give bond for the price which had been paid for her, and send him along with the envoys, who were reduced to two. The vessel, which, owing to the delay caused by these new arrangements, did not sail till October, had scarcely got to sea, when Ripaud, collecting his European part of the crew, came up to the envoys and insisted on seeing the letters addressed to the authorities at the Mauritius. On being refused, he took them by force. Their contents probably satisfied him that he had nothing to fear, as he continued the voyage and arrived at Port Louis on the 19th of January, 1798.

Though the mission was intended to be secret, and in a great measure depended on secrecy for its success, General Malartic, the governor of the Mauritius, immediately resolved to give the envoys a public reception. Accompanied by the admiral and all the constituted authorities, he received them under the customary salutes, and conducted them between a double line of troops to the government house. Here they formally delivered their despatches and then proceeded to the mansion appointed for their residence. The despatches contained the project of a treaty with the Mauritius government. Assuming that a large army, consisting of 5000 to 10,000 European French and 20,000 to 30,000 Africans, was actually prepared, they proposed that at a rendezvous to be fixed, it should be joined by 60,000 Mysoreans. Goa was first to be wrested from the Portuguese, and Bombay from the British, and given over to the French. From the west, the united armies were to be transported to the Coromandel coast, to raze Madras. This accomplished, they were to subdue the Mahrattas and the Nizam, and conclude with the conquest of Bengal. The day after their arrival, the envoys had the mortification to learn that all Ripaud’s representations were false, that no armament for Indian service had arrived, or was expected. The only thing the governor proposed was, to despatch two frigates with Tippoo’s letter in duplicate for the directory, requesting the desired succour, and in the meanwhile raise a corps of volunteers in the Mauritius and Bourbon. The envoys remonstrated against this last proposal, declaring that they could not return with a small force, as they had only been deputed to bring a large one. Disregarding the remonstrances of the envoys, and all injunctions to secrecy, Malartic ordered an advertisement to be published, and on the 30th of January, 1798, issued a formal proclamation to the effect that Tippoo Sultan had sent ambassadors to his government and the directory, with proposals to form an offensive and defensive alliance with the French, and only waited the arrival of French troops to declare war against the English. The envoys, after resisting this publicity, acquiesced in it, and not only allowed the published advertisement, which called upon the citizens to range under the banners of Tippoo, to be publicly distributed at their residence, but encouraged volunteers to accompany them, under the promise that their pay would be regulated by the Sultan himself.

It is difficult to account for the absurd part which Governor Malartic played throughout these proceedings. Though aware that the mission from Tippoo had proceeded on false information, and that for this reason secrecy, even if it had not been enjoined him, was absolutely necessary, he took the measures above detailed to render secrecy impossible, and then, as if he had supposed that the British government could still be kept in ignorance, he informs Tippoo, in a letter, that he had laid an embargo on all the vessels in Port Louis until the departure of the ambassadors and recruits, “lest the English, our common enemy, should be apprised of the part which you seem determined to adopt with regard to them, and of the supply of men I have sent you.” This supply of men, of which the British were to be kept in ignorance, amounted to exactly ninety-nine, civil and military officers included. They were embarked with the envoys in a French frigate, and landed at Mangalore on the 26th of April, 1798, about the very same time when Lord Mornington landed at Madras.

It was in Tippoo’s power to have disavowed the proceedings of Malartic and the envoys, and thus furnished himself with plausible ground for postponing an open rupture with the British, at least till he was better prepared for it. So far from this, he only hastened to commit himself more deeply. The moment he heard of the arrival of the vessel, he was all impatience till his motley group of recruits reached Seringapatam. One of their first employments was to organize a Jacobin club under the sanction of Citizen Tippoo; the tree of liberty was planted; and at a grand ceremony, in which Citizen Tippoo performed the principal part, the national colours of the sister republic were consecrated under a salute from all the guns of the fort. “Of any comprehension of the purport or tendency of all these proceedings,” says Colonel Wilks, “the Sultan was so entirely innocent that he fancied himself to be consolidating one of those associations devoted to his own aggrandisement, by which his imagination had lately been captivated in the history of the Arabian Wahabees.” He understood better what he was doing when, a few weeks afterwards, he associated a French sea captain of the name of Dubuc, claiming to have come as commander of the naval forces, with two of his own envoys, and sent them on a joint embassy to the executive directory.

Such being the relation in which Tippoo stood to the British government, it is obvious that when Lord Mornington entered on office war was already declared. It was so understood by his lordship, who accordingly held that an immediate attack upon Tippoo Sultan, for the purpose of frustrating the execution of his unprovoked and unwarrantable projects of ambition and revenge, was demanded by the soundest maxims of justice and policy. In a minute, lodged on the 12th of August, 1798, within three months from the commencement of his administration, after giving a full detail of all the above proceedings, he arrived at the following conclusion:—“Having thus entered into offensive and defensive engagements with the enemy—having proceeded to collect, in conjunction with the enemy, a force openly destined to act against the possessions of the Company—having avowed through his public ambassadors, that he has completed his preparations of war for the express purpose of attempting the entire subversion of the British empire in India—and having declared that he only waits to prosecute offensive operations, Tippoo Sultan has violated the treaties of peace and friendship subsisting between him and the Company, and has committed an act of direct hostility against the British government in India.” In this conclusion he had been to some extent anticipated by the authorities at home, who, in a letter written in June, 1798, had thus acquainted him with their views:—“Our empire in the East has ever been an object of jealousy to the French; we have no doubt that the present government of France would even adopt measures of a most enterprising and uncommon nature for the chance of reducing the British power and consequence in India. We recommend energy, promptness and decision. Do not wait for actual hostilities on the part of Tippoo, should he have entered into a league with the French.” He would not have waited for this sanction to the commencement of hostilities, but there were circumstances which obliged him most reluctantly to postpone them till the ensuing season.

Lord Mornington’s determination was “to attack Tippoo with every degree of practicable despatch,” and the objects at which he proposed to aim are thus enumerated by himself in the above minute:—1. To seize the whole maritime territory remaining in his possession below the Ghauts, on the coast of Malabar, in order to preclude him from all future communications by sea with his French allies. 2. By marching the army from the coast directly upon his capital, to compel him to purchase peace by a formal cession of the territory seized on the coast of Malabar. 3. To compel him to defray our whole expense in the war, and thus to secure the double advantage of indemnifying us for the expense occasioned by his aggression, and of reducing his resources with a view to our future security. 4. To compel him to admit permanent residents at his court from us and from our allies: a measure which would enable us at all times to check his operations and his treachery. 5. That the expulsion of all the natives of France now in his service, and the perpetual exclusion of all Frenchmen, both from his army and dominions, should be made conditions of any treaty of peace with him." In order to carry these views into effect, he directed that the army upon the coasts of Coromandel and Malabar, and at Bombay, should be immediately assembled, expecting that a single campaign would bring the war to a successful termination. On inquiry, however, the military authorities gave their decided opinion that though the ultimate success of the plan proposed could scarcely be doubted, it could not be effected, in all probability, without a tedious, expensive, and protracted war. Radical defects existed in the military establishments on the coast of Coromandel. In the opinion of Colonel Close, the adjutant general, the Madras army was not capable of defending the Company’s territories, much less of carrying on offensive operations in a country like Mysore; even for the purpose of defence it could not move before the spring of 1799. This opinion was concurred in by General Harris, the commander-in-chief. The Madras council gave a still more unfavourable opinion, and even deprecated the ordinary precautions of defence “lest they should draw down the resentment of the Sultan upon our unprotected possessions.”

In consequence of these opinions, “the question,” says Lord Mornington in the minute already quoted, “was now entirely changed; the plan which I originally had in contemplation was nothing more than a military expedition of short duration, of no heavy expense, and of certain success; with the additional advantage that success would certainly exonerate our finances, and throw the whole expense of the undertaking upon the enemy who had provoked it. But it now appeared that I could not hope to effect any of my proposed objects without encountering the expense and inconvenience of a long war.” A short military expedition might have been undertaken by the British troops single-handed, but a long war could not be contemplated without securing the aid of the leading native states, whose troops, if not available as regulars, might greatly assist in facilitating supplies of provision. The first step therefore which now seemed necessary, was to attempt to revise the old, or to form a new alliance with the Nizam and the Mahrattas. To this important task the governor-general forthwith devoted all his energies. As a preliminary measure, which promised to facilitate the negotiations on which he was about to enter, he instructed the Madras council to provide a force of 4000 men, with the view of offering them as a subsidy to the Nizam. The fears of the council were again aroused, and instead of at once obeying the instructions thus given, they proceeded to argue against them, and even to obstruct the execution of them. In a letter, dated 10th July, 1798, they returned to their old allegation, that Tippoo’s “resources are more prompt than our own, and that a great part of his army is supposed to have long been in a state of field equipment.” On this ground they counselled “ignoble ease,” because, as they argued, Tippoo, the moment he saw signs of preparations, would anticipate them and overrun the country.

At an advanced stage of matters he had no alternative but to insist on the complete execution of the stipulations of the treaty. The interests of the British government, he said, might be seriously compromised by any delay, however short, after the resolution to disband had been announced, and therefore, should the Nizam continue wavering, he would himself authorize an attack on the French camp, and hold him responsible for the consequences. Captain (afterwards Sir) John Malcolm, then assistant to the resident at Hyderabad, had an important share in the management of this business, in which firmness and tact were equally required, and gave proof of the ability which ultimately made him so distinguished an ornament of the Indian service.

On the 9th of October, 1798, the detachment of four battalions, under Colonel Roberts, arrived in the vicinity of Hyderabad, and on the same day the French corps joined their cantonments. Both forces were on the right bank of the Moosy, and Azeem-ul-Omrah, afraid of a collision, begged Colonel Roberts to cross over to the left bank, where the two battalions were already stationed. He refused, and the Nizam, listening only to his fears, hastened off to his fortress at Golconda. Meanwhile the French put on a bold front, and the pagah, or household horse, whose commander was in their interest, was ordered to the capital. On the 19th, the resident having learned, at an interview with the minister, that the disinclination to disband the French corps was stronger than ever, made instant arrangements for the attack. Colonel Hyndman, in command of the two battalions on the left bank, was moved to a position from which he could open a destructive fire on their rear, and set fire with hot shot to their storehouses and magazines, and Colonel Roberts was about to occupy some heights, favourably situated for attacking their centre. The Nizam had now no alternative but to fulfill the treaty, or make common cause with the French. The former was preferred, not so much from good faith as because it was seen to be the safer course. Orders were given to dismiss the French officers, and deliver them up to the British government as prisoners of war, and the troops under them were informed that if they ventured to support them, they would be considered and punished as traitors. Perron, as soon as he received the order for dismissal, intimated to the resident that he and his officers were desirous to throw themselves on his protection, and begged that an officer might be sent to the French lines to take charge of articles of public and private property. Captain Malcolm, who proceeded on this errand, made a narrow escape. Before he arrived, a mutiny had broken out, and he fell into the hands of the mutineers. Fortunately, some men, who, four years before, had belonged to his company in the 29th battalion of native infantry, but had since joined the French corps, which was composed in a great measure of deserters, interfered in his behalf, and, as he believed, saved his life “by their active and spirited exertions.” During the whole of the 21st, the French lines were a scene of disorder and tumult. The officers made their escape by night, and at daylight of the 22d the men of their corps were surrounded. Before evening the whole were disarmed, without the loss of a single life.

Negotiations with the Mahrattas were carried on at the same time as with the Nizam. This formed, indeed, an essential part of Lord Mornington’s plan, which was to revive the tripartite treaty of 1790, accompanying it with such provisions and guarantees as its previous premature dissolution had shown to be necessary. Owing to the distracted state of Maharashtra, the negotiation did not succeed. A number of chiefs, nominally subject to the peishwa, but really independent, or aspiring to independence, could not be brought to act with any degree of unity, and the proposal of a treaty, which would have authorized British interference in any disputes arising between the Mahrattas and the Nizam, was distinctly declined. It was well known that the peishwa himself, who was subjected to a species of thraldom from which he was anxious to be emancipated, would have given a different decision, but the influence of Dowlut Row Scindia, who, following out the latest policy of his immediate predecessor, was inimical to British interests, had prevailed. It was not likely, however, that when so many jarring interests were to be reconciled, the Mahratta chiefs would unite in support of Tippoo, and it was therefore determined vigorously to prosecute the war against him.

While engaged in these negotiations, the governor-general had never intermitted his military operations. He was, however, by no means averse to an amicable arrangement, and could he have obtained such concessions as would disengage Tippoo from his French connections, and guarantee the abandonment of all his aggressive schemes, he would very gladly have dispensed with the necessity of war. In accordance with this feeling, when Tippoo wrote complaining of an infringement of his rights by the occupation of some villages by the Rajah of Coorg, his lordship immediately ordered those to which Tippoo’s right seemed established to be restored. At a later period he informed him of the great naval victory gained by Lord Nelson, off the coast of Egypt; and in answer to a letter from Tippoo, who thought the time for professing friendship was not yet past, he answered him in a similar spirit, telling him of the sincere satisfaction he felt on learning that Tippoo had appointed two persons of honour to confer with the deputies appointed by his orders to investigate the question concerning some disputed talooks, and assuring him that possession of them will not be withholden from him for an instant, if the justice of his claim should be established. This letter was written on the 8th of November, 1798, and shows that, even at this period, though he held that Tippoo had taken steps equivalent to a declaration of war, he was still desirous that peace should be maintained. Accordingly, in the same letter, he thus addresses him:—“It is impossible that you should suppose me ignorant of the intercourse which subsists between you and the French, whom you know to be the inveterate enemies of the Company, and to be now engaged in an unjust war with the British nation. You cannot imagine me to be indifferent to the transactions which have passed between you and the enemies of my country; nor does it appear proper or necessary that I should any longer conceal from you the surprise and concern with which I have perceived you disposed to involve yourself in all the ruinous consequences of a connection which threatens not only to subvert the foundations of friendship between you and the Company, but to introduce into the heart of your kingdom the principles of anarchy and confusion, to shake your own authority, to weaken the obedience of your subjects, and to destroy the religion which you revere.” In this letter, after stating, perhaps from a desire to make it more impressive, but certainly not with strict accuracy, that the peishwa and the Nizam concurred in the observations contained in it, Lord Mornington professed to communicate “on behalf of the Company and their allies, a plan calculated to promote the mutual security and welfare of all parties,” and to depute to him for this purpose Major Doveton, the officer, it will be remembered, from whose hands Tippoo received his sons who had been detained as hostages. The letter concluded thus:—“You will, I doubt not, let me know at what time and place it will be convenient for you to receive Major Doveton, and as soon as your friendly letter shall reach me, I will direct him to proceed to your presence. I shall expect your answer to this letter, with an earnest hope that it may correspond with the pacific views and wishes of the allies, and that you may be convinced that you cannot, in any manner, better consult your true interests than by meeting with cordiality the present friendly and moderate advance to a satisfactory and amicable settlement of all points on which any doubts or anxiety may have arisen in the minds either of yourself or of the allies.”

No answer having been received from Tippoo, Lord Mornington wrote him, referring to his letter of the 8th November, as containing a variety of important points to which his highness would no doubt perceive the propriety and necessity of giving his earliest and most serious consideration, and informing him that he was on the point of setting out from Calcutta for Madras, where he hoped to arrive about the same time that this letter reached him. His lordship concluded thus:—“Should any circumstances hitherto have prevented your answering my last letter, of the 8th November, I assure myself that you will, immediately on receipt of this, despatch a satisfactory reply to it, addressed to me at Madras.” On the 15th December, a letter dated 20th November was received from Tippoo. Being apparently written before Lord Mornington’s letter of the 8th November had reached him, it commenced abruptly, thus:—“It has lately come to my ears from report, that in consequence of the talk of interested persons, military preparations are on foot. Report is equally subject to the likelihood of being true or false. I have the fullest confidence that the present is without foundation.” After more to the same purpose, he concludes with declaring that his “friendly heart is to the last degree bent on endeavours to confirm and strengthen the foundations of harmony and union.” This brief letter was followed by a very long one, which was received only ten days later, and not only referred to Lord Mornington’s letter of the 8th November, but made large quotations from it, and discussed some of the points which it raised. His explanation of the expedition to Mauritius is a good specimen of the enormous lying to which he had recourse whenever a purpose was to be served by it. “In this sircar (the gift of God) there is a mercantile tribe who employ themselves in trading by sea and land; their agents purchased a two-masted vessel, and having loaded her with rice, departed with a view to traffic. It happened that she went to the Mauritius, from whence forty persons, French, and of a dark colour, of whom ten or twelve were artificers, and the rest servants, paying the hire of the ship, came here in search of employment; such as chose to take service were entertained, and the remainder departed beyond the confines of this sircar (the gift of God), and the French, who are full of vice and deceit, have perhaps taken advantage of the departure of the ship to put about reports, with a view to ruffle the minds of both sircars.” In another part of the letter, he says that as he is “resident at home, at times taking the air, and at others amusing myself with hunting, at a spot which is used as a pleasure-ground,” his lordship’s allusion to “war,” and his declaration that “prudence required that both the Company and their allies should adopt certain measures of precaution and self-defence,” had given him the greatest surprise. Since “it has been understood, by the blessing of the Almighty, at the conclusion of the peace, the treaties and engagements entered into among the four sircars were so firmly established and confirmed as ever to remain fixed and durable, and be an example to the rulers of the age,” he cannot even imagine how there can be any occasion to send Major Doveton to him. He concludes thus:—“I have the strongest hope that the minds of the wise and intelligent, but particularly of the four states, will not be sullied by doubts and jealousies, but will consider me from my heart desirous of harmony and friendship.”

The above letter from Tippoo was answered by Lord Mornington on the 9th of January, 1799. It was dated from Madras, where his lordship had arrived on the 31st of December, and entered into a full detail of all the proceedings by which the Company and their allies were alarmed and aggrieved. From the facts detailed, seven distinct conclusions were drawn, of which the two last were as follows:—“7. That your highness was prepared to make an unprovoked attack upon the Company’s possessions, if you had obtained from the French the effectual succour which you had solicited through your ambassadors. 8. That your highness, by these several acts, has violated the treaties of peace and friendship subsisting between your highness and the allies.” Still, notwithstanding all these provocations, the Company and their allies were “ready to renew and confirm the bonds of amity, on such conditions as shall preclude the continuance of those jealousies which must subsist, so long as a final and satisfactory adjustment of all causes of suspicion shall be delayed.” The letter concluded thus:—“Had your highness received Major Doveton, that gentleman would have explained to your highness how this advantageous arrangement is to be obtained. The allies being always anxious to enter into this friendly explanation with your highness, I once more call upon your highness, in the most serious and solemn manner, to assent to the admission of Major Doveton, as a measure which I am confident would be productive of the most lasting advantages to all parties. I trust that your highness will favour me with a friendly letter in reply to this; and I most earnestly request that your reply may not be deferred for more than one day after this letter. Dangerous consequences result from the delay of arduous affairs.” To this letter, Lord Mornington appended a Persian translation of the manifesto issued by the Ottoman Porte against the French for their invasion of Egypt.

On the 16th of January, Lord Mornington again wrote Tippoo, and transmitted a letter addressed to him by the Turkish sultan, for the purpose of dissuading him from his French connections. His answer to the governor-general was as follows:—“I have been much gratified by the receipt of your lordship’s two friendly letters, the first brought by a camel-man, and the latter by hirecarrahs, and understood their contents. The letter of the prince in station like Jumshied with angels as his guards, with troops numerous as the stars, the sun illuminating the world, the heaven of empire and dominion, the luminary giving splendour to the universe, the firmament of glory and power, the sultan of the sea and the land, the King of Roum, (be his empire and his power perpetual!) addressed to me which reached you through the British envoy, and which you transmitted, has arrived. Being frequently disposed to make excursions and hunt, I am accordingly proceeding on a hunting excursion. You will be pleased to despatch Major Doveton (about whose coming your friendly pen has repeatedly written) slightly attended.” This letter, received on the 13th of February, closed the correspondence on Tippoo’s part, and was briefly answered on the 22d, the governor-general simply intimating regret that his friendly warnings had not been attended to. The season for action had now arrived, the army had been ordered to advance, and Major Doveton’s mission would now be useless; but General Harris, the commander of the British troops, had been authorized to receive any embassy that might be sent to him, and to form a new treaty of friendship “founded on such conditions as appear to the allies to be indispensable necessary to the establishment of a secure and permanent peace.” On the same day when this letter was written, a manifesto was issued, entitled, “Declaration of the Right Honourable the Governor-general in council for all the Forces and Affairs of the British nation in India, on behalf of the Honourable the East India Company, and the Allies of the said Company, the Nizam and the Peishwa.” Composed in the grandiloquent style to which the governor-general was rather too much addicted, it enumerated all Tippoo’s delinquencies and evasions, boasted that “the providence of God and the victorious arms of the British nation frustrated his vain hopes, and checked the presumptuous career of the French in Egypt, at the moment when he anxiously expected their arrival on the coast of Malabar,” spoke of “the happy intelligence of the glorious success of the British fleet at the mouth of the Nile,” and declared that the allies, while “equally prepared to repel his violence and counteract his artifices and delays,” still retained “an anxious desire to effect an adjustment with Tippoo Sultan.”

It is not out of place to mention that Tippoo, though he failed to obtain direct assistance from the French, was not forgotten by them, and that at the very time when he was corresponding with the governor-general, the following singular letter was addressed to him:—

“Liberty.

Equality.

“Bonaparte, Member of the National Convention, General-in-chief, to the most magnificent Sultan, our greatest Friend, Tippoo Sahib.

“Head-quarters at Cairo, 7th Pluvise, 7th year of the Republic, One and Indivisible.”

“You have already been informed of my arrival on the borders of the Red Sea, with an innumerable and invincible army, full of the desire of delivering you from the iron yoke of England. I eagerly embrace this opportunity of testifying to you the desire I have of being informed by you, by the way of Muscat and Mocha, as to your political situation. I would even wish you could send me some intelligent person to Suez or Cairo, possessing your confidence, with whom I may confer. May the Almighty increase your power, and destroy your enemies. (Signed) BONAPARTE.”

The above letter having been intercepted did not reach its destination, but other letters written in a similar spirit were undoubtedly received, and furnish the most plausible explanation of the comparative indifference which Tippoo continued to manifest to all the warnings which were given him by the governor-general. He seems to have expected that powerful foreign armaments were about to arrive, which would so completely overmatch his enemies as to leave him little more to do than to look on and witness their destruction. Very possibly, too, he was misled by the very style which the governor-general adopted in all his letters. He spoke of himself and his allies as if they were all acting in concert, and he had agreed not to take a single step without their concurrence. Were this the case, Tippoo might well calculate that a long period must elapse before he was actually attacked, because he was at this very time in close communication with the Mahrattas, and knew that so far from joining the governor-general, they were more likely to take the field against him. The only other hypothesis which might be adopted to explain Tippoo’s apparent indifference, would be to assume that he was unconscious of having given any just cause of offence, and therefore could not believe that he was in any immediate danger. This hypothesis however, though it has found supporters, is totally at variance with fact. Tippoo knew well how deeply he had offended, but as he had offended as deeply on other occasions without being called to account, he perhaps inferred that he would again escape with impunity. He did not know, or at least did not attach sufficient importance to the fact, that British India was no longer administered by a governor-general who endeavoured to avert danger by winking at it, but by one who disdained this timid policy, and ever followed the wiser course of anticipating danger, instead of allowing it to overtake him.

All hopes of an amicable settlement being now extinguished, the campaign immediately commenced. The main army under General Harris had assembled in January, 1799, at Vellore, and made its first march towards Mysore, on the 11th of February. It consisted in all of 36,979 men. Of these 20,802 formed the Madras army, in which the cavalry amounted to 2635, and the infantry to 15,076; the remainder were artillerymen and pioneers. Of the cavalry 884, of the infantry 4381, and of the artillerymen 608 were Europeans. The Nizam’s army, nominally commanded by Meer Alum, but really by the Honourable Colonel Wellesley (Duke of Wellington), who had joined it with his own regiment, consisted of the subsidiary detachment of 6536 men under Colonel Dalrymple, 3621 infantry, formerly French, under Captain Malcolm, and about 6000 regular and irregular horse. The united army proceeded south-west to Carimungulum, which was reached on the 28th. About the same time, the Bombay army of 6420 men, which had assembled under the command of General Stuart, began to ascend the Western Ghauts. On the 25th of February it reached the head of the Poodicherrum Pass, and on the 2d of March took post at Sedaseer, only forty-five miles west of Seringapatam. The main army proceeding up the pass of Palicode, arrived on the 4th of March at Ryacottah on Tippoo’s frontier, and crossing it without opposition, encamped on the 9th at Kelamungulum, about eighty miles east of his capital. In addition to the main and the Bombay armies, two adequate detachments were stationed for the purpose of collecting and forwarding supplies; the one in the district of Coimbatoor, under Colonel Brown, and the other in Baramahal, under Colonel Read. A British squadron under Admiral Rainier scoured the western coast, for the purpose of intercepting any armament that might have been fitted out by the French.

As the nearest route to Seringapatam led through a pass which had not been examined, General Harris proceeded northwards past Anicul. Parties of the enemy’s horse were now seen in all directions, burning the forage and destroying the villages. On the 14th, the main army encamped at the village of Cullagerapettah, about ten miles south, and within sight of Bangalore. It was expected that, before this time, Tippoo would have appeared in force, and opposed farther progress. He was elsewhere employed. On the 6th of March, when only the right brigade of the Bombay army, composed of three native battalions under Colonel Montresor, had reached Sedaseer, the remainder being stationed in two divisions in the rear, at the distances of eight and twelve miles, Tippoo, having crossed into the territories of the Rajah of Coorg, suddenly made his appearance, in the hope of surprising the brigade, and destroying it by overwhelming numbers. He very nearly succeeded. Penetrating with secrecy and expedition through the jungles, he commenced an attack on front and rear almost at the same instant. The brigade was in fact completely surrounded, and was only saved by its own distinguished gallantry in maintaining the unequal struggle until it could be reinforced. Ultimately Tippoo was driven off, with an estimated loss of 1500 men, while that of the British amounted only to twenty-nine killed, ninety-eight wounded, and sixteen missing. The disgrace must have been felt by him still more severely than the loss, for 11,800 of his best troops had been repulsed by little more than 2000. Two native accounts of this battle are extant, the one by the celebrated Rajah of Coorg, the other by Tippoo himself. They are both sufficiently characteristic, though, as might be expected, they differ widely. The rajah, writing to the governor-general, says, “A severe action then ensued, in which I was present. To describe the battle which General Stuart fought with these two regiments of Europeans, the discipline, valour, strength, and magnanimity of the troops, the courageous attack upon the army of Tippoo surpasses all example in this world. In our Shasters and Puranas, the battles fought by Allered and Maharat have been much celebrated, but they are unequal to this battle. It exceeds my ability to describe this action at length to your lordship. In this manner Tippoo’s army was beaten. The action with the two regiments lasted about three hours and a half. A sirdar of high rank with Tippoo, the Benky Nabob, fell in this action; the first and second buiksheets of a body of 6000 men, being wounded with musket-balls, were taken prisoners; I have also heard that five or six officers of rank with the enemy have fallen; many of the enemy were slain; and many wounded; the remainder having thrown away their muskets and swords, and their turbans, and thinking it sufficient to save their lives, fled in the greatest confusion. Tippoo, having collected the remains of his troops, returned to Periapatam.” Tippoo’s account, contained in a memorandum in his own handwriting, is as follows:—“On Wednesday, the 30th, or last day of the month Razy, of the Shadeb, 1226 from the birth of Mahomed, corresponding with the 29th of Ramzan (when the moon is not visible), the victorious army having left their baggage at Periapatam; and formed themselves into three divisions or detachments, entered the woods of Coorg by three different roads, where the army of the Christians had taken post, and advancing, gave battle, fighting with firelocks and spears, and the whole army of the infidels was routed, some of the Christians taking to flight. In that battle, Mahomed Reza and Mahomed Meeran devoted themselves, and drank the cup of martyrdom; Mirzah Bakir Bukshy, and Mahomed Ichangeer, Bukshee Asiff of Cucherry, became martyrs; and Moazim Khan Bukshy was wounded and taken prisoner by the Christians, and Golam Mohee-u-deen devoted himself a martyr.

Tippoo, quitting Periapatam, arrived at Seringapatam on the 14th of March, and immediately moved to encounter General Harris, who, continuing to advance, encamped on the 26th, five miles east of Malavilly, and not more than thirty miles east of the capital. The spies reported that Tippoo had announced his intention to attack the English “so soon as they ventured out of the jungles.” This information seemed to be correct, for his advanced parties, among which were some elephants, appeared on a distant ridge, and fourteen or fifteen guns were distinctly seen in motion. On the 27th five regiments of cavalry, forming the advance under General Floyd, on approaching within a mile of the village of Malavilly, discovered a numerous body of the enemy’s cavalry on the right flank, and their infantry on the heights beyond. It was evidently Tippoo’s army, but as it kept at too great a distance to be brought to action, General Harris ordered the quartermaster-general to mark out a new encampment. This was scarcely finished when twelve or fourteen guns opened from the enemy’s line, at the distance of about 2000 yards. This cannonade was answered by such of the field-pieces as could be brought up, and the action soon became general along the whole front. The enemy displayed much courage. After several repulses, a column of about 2000 men moved forward in excellent order towards his majesty’s 33d. The regiment reserving its fire, received that of the enemy at the distance of sixty yards, and then advancing threw the column into disorder. At this, General Floyd with his cavalry charged and completed the rout with great slaughter. The whole of the British line now moved forward and drove the enemy’s first line back upon his second, but his movements were too rapid to give any hope of overtaking him, and the pursuit was abandoned. The enemy’s loss amounted to 1000 killed and wounded; ours was trifling.

The British army on the 28th moved south-west towards Sosilay, where there is an easy ford over the Cauvery. This route not having been suspected by the enemy had not been devastated, and hence all the villages and even open fields furnished large supplies of forage. Sosilay, in particular, where the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages had taken refuge, was found to contain large quantities of grain and twelve to fifteen thousand head of cattle, besides a great number of sheep and goats. The right wing of the army, the cavalry, and Colonel Wellesley’s division still remained encamped on the north bank, but the rest of the army crossed at Sosilay into a country which had all its stores untouched, as Tippoo had reserved them for the consumption of his own army. This able movement had other advantages. It facilitated the junction with the Bombay army, and rendered nugatory all the intermediate defensive operations which the enemy had employed, under the impression that the attack would be made, as in 1792, from the north side of the river. On the 30th, the portion of the army which had remained on the north side also crossed, and the march westward was continued without further interruption. At length, on the 5th of April, the army took up its ground opposite the west face of the fort of Seringapatam, at the distance of about two miles. The position was admirably chosen. The right was on a high commanding ground, sloping gradually toward the Cauvery; the left resting on this river was doubly secured by it, and by an aqueduct fifteen yards wide and six feet deep, which, fed by a dam built across the river near Caniambaddy, at once served as a strong entrenchment, and furnished an unfailing supply of the finest water. In the rear were several deep ravines impracticable for the enemy’s cavalry; in front a chain of advanced posts on high ground afforded equal security.

Tippoo, when he saw all his preparatory measures foiled by the advance of the besieging army along the south bank, is said to have sunk into absolute despondency. Calling together the whole of his principal officers he exclaimed, “We have arrived at our last stage; what is your determination?” They answered: “To die along with you.” After a gloomy consultation, it was resolved, in the belief that General Harris would cross into the island by the southern fords, to cross at the ford of Arikera, take up a strong position in the face of his presumed route, and give battle with no alternative but death or victory. The necessary movements were accordingly made, and Tippoo was posted with his whole army at Chendgal waiting the decisive moment for action, when to his surprise and mortification the British army, instead of deviating to the right to reach the fords, made a turn to the left in order to avoid the intermediate low grounds, and so passed on at the distance of three miles, while he was unable to take any steps to prevent them.

The aqueduct already mentioned, after winding in front of the left of the British camp, continues in an easterly direction till within a mile of the fort, and then bends round to the south towards a woody eminence, called the Sultan Pettah Tope. Behind the aqueduct on the town side was a lofty bank, and in front were several ruined villages and rocky eminences, affording cover to the enemy’s infantry and rocket-men, so near the camp that many of the rockets fell among the tents, and occasioned some apprehension for the safety of the park of artillery stores. It was therefore resolved to attack these posts after sunset on the 5th of April. The troops appointed for this purpose were the king’s 12th regiment and two sepoy battalions under Colonel Shaw, and another division consisting of the king’s 33rd and the 2d Bengal regiment under Colonel Wellesley. The former division was to attack the forts at the aqueduct; the latter to make a diversion by scouring the Sultan Pettah Tope. Colonel Shaw partially succeeded, but Colonel Wellesley failed. Next day however, the attack was renewed with success, and a connected line of strong posts was in consequence established, extending for nearly two miles from the village of Sultan Pettah to the river.

This success appears to have produced a considerable impression on Tippoo, and induced him for the first time to open a communication with General Harris, who on the 9th of April received from him the following letter:—“The governor-general Lord Mornington Behauder sent me a letter, copy of which is inclosed; you will understand it. I have adhered firmly to treaties; what, then, is the meaning of the advance of the English armies and the occurrence of hostilities? Inform me. What need I say more?” The general’s answer was equally laconic:—“Your letter, inclosing copies of the governor-general’s letter has been received. For the advance of the English and allied armies, and for the occurrence of hostilities, I refer you to the several letters of the governor-general, which are sufficiently explanatory on the subject. What need I say more?”

On the 6th of April, General Floyd had set out for Periapatam with four regiments of cavalry and the greater part of the left wing of the army, for the purpose of strengthening General Stuart and enabling him to advance. The whole of the Mysorean cavalry and a large body of infantry commanded by Kummer-u-deen followed close on General Floyd’s track, determined if possible to frustrate his intention. They continued accordingly to hover around him, both before the junction and after it, but no opportunity was given them of making the least impression, and on the 14th of April, both General Floyd and General Stuart arrived with their united forces in the camp before Seringapatam. On the following day General Stuart crossed to the north bank of the river, and took up a position so as to enfilade the face of the fort intended for attack, and the exterior trenches or field works by which the enemy endeavoured to impede the progress of the siege.

The alternative of two plans of attack had been submitted by the chief engineer. The one was to assault at the south-west, and the other at the north-west angle. In the one case it would be made from the west, and in the other from the north bank of the river. The former was the direction in which it was anticipated by Tippoo, and he had accordingly employed many thousand workmen in making a new entrenchment on the west bank, and in opening new embrasures on various parts of the south face of the fort. He was again wrong in his calculation, for the north-west angle had been adopted in preference, and he became himself convinced of it when he saw that the position taken by General Stuart, instead of being merely a feint as he at first supposed, was intended for permanent occupation. Opposite to this angle the bed of the river was a bare rock, and the water so shallow as to offer no obstacle to the passage of troops. After the siege had regularly commenced, a very unexpected discovery was made. It had been understood that the grain in store would suffice for thirty days, but on measuring the bags of rice it was ascertained that there was not more than eighteen days’ consumption for the fighting men of the army. “The cause of this alarming and unexpected deficiency,” says Colonel Beatson, “has not been satisfactorily explained, but such was the actual pressure of our situation at the moment we were about to commence the siege.” “Happily,” he continues, “from this alarm the commander-in-chief was soon afterwards effectually relieved, by a tender for the public service of twelve hundred bullock loads of rice. This supply, and some other private stock in camp, being secured and added to the public department, made the total quantity sufficient for the subsistence of the fighting men until the 20th of May; long before which time the convoy from the Baramahal was expected to arrive, and the siege of Seringapatam to be brought to a final issue.” One would like to know by whom the above tender was made, and from what quarter the load of the twelve hundred bullocks was obtained. It looks as if it had found its way from the public stores, and returned to them by being purchased a second time. Colonel Beatson gives no further information on the subject, and Colonel Wilks disposes of it by saying, that “after a lapse of eighteen years this transaction still continues to be an unfit subject for historical disquisition.”¹

The siege continuing to make steady progress, Tippoo became more and more convinced of his inability to make a successful defence, and resolved once more to try the effect of negotiation. Accordingly, on the 20th of April he sent the following undated letter to General Harris. “In the letter of Lord Mornington it is written, that the clearing up of matters at issue is proper, and that therefore you, having been empowered for the purpose, will appoint such persons as you judge proper for conducting a conference, and renewing the business of a treaty. You are the well-wisher of both sircars. In this matter what is your pleasure? Inform me, that a conference may take place.” General Harris returned an answer, inclosing the draft of a preliminary treaty, and stating that if its demands were not acquiesced in within twenty-four hours after receiving them, the allies reserved to themselves “the right of extending these demands for security, even to the possession of the fort of Seringapatam, till a definitive treaty can be arranged, and its stipulations carried into effect. The leading demands were, that Tippoo should cede one-half of his dominions to the allies, from the countries adjacent to their respective boundaries and agreeable to their selection, pay two crores of rupees (two millions sterling), and deliver four of his sons, and four of his principal officers as hostages. Tippoo raved at what he called the arrogance and tyranny of the demands, and disdained to return any reply. It was better, he said, to die like a soldier than to live a miserable dependant on the infidels in the list of their pensioned rajahs and nabobs.

On the 22d, a vigorous and well-conducted sortie from the garrison, against all the outposts and advanced works of the besiegers on the northern bank, was repulsed, after several hours’ hard fighting, with a loss of about 700 men; on the 23d, the enlarged batteries of both northern and southern attacks silenced every gun opposed to them, and had so perfect an enfilade as to make the defence of the curtains all but impossible; and on the 26th and 27th, the enemy were dislodged from their last exterior entrenchment, distant only 380 yards from the fort, and consequently defended by its whole fire, as well as by exterior musketry and rockets. Tippoo, after this additional humbling, was able to pocket his disdain, and make a last attempt at negotiation. On the 28th he wrote as follows:—“I have the pleasure of your friendly letter, and understand its contents. The points in question are weighty, and without the intervention of ambassadors cannot be brought to a conclusion. I am therefore about to send two gentlemen to you, and have no doubt but a conference will take place. They will personally explain themselves to you.” General Harris immediately replied, that he had made his demands in conformity to instructions from the governor-general, and could not without violating these instructions receive any ambassadors. As the terms had not been accepted the allies would be justified in making them more rigorous, but his acceptance would still be received, if given and properly authenticated before three o’clock P.M. of the following day.

Before this attempt at renewed negotiation, Tippoo had recourse to every means which fear had suggested as likely to avert the impending fate. His attendance at the mosque was more frequent, and his devotions more earnest. He even entreated a fervent amen to his prayers from his attendants, and bribed the priests, not only of his own faith, but of Hindooism, which he had so cruelly persecuted, to intercede for his deliverance. The aid of astrology also was called in, and the professed adepts of every sect were consulted in regard to planetary influence, and unfavourable omens. Even with these, though their trade was chicanery, the time for delusion seemed to be past, and they spoke only of approaching calamities. After their worst predictions were confirmed by the refusal of General Harris to receive his ambassadors, Tippoo’s rage subsided into a kind of stupor, and he could not be aroused to make exertions by which the evil day, if it could not be averted, might at least have been postponed. When the works of the besiegers clearly indicated that the salient angle at the north-west corner of the fort was the point where the breach for assault would be made, he declined, when urged by the most judicious of his officers, to cut off the whole angle by means of a retrenchment of easy execution. In personal inspection, now more than ever necessary, he became remiss, and chose rather not to see the extent of his danger than to contend against it.

The besiegers, who had concealed the true point of their attack till the latest moment possible, began on the 2d of May to make a breach of about sixty yards, immediately to the south of the bastion in the north-west angle. On the following day the breach was reported practicable, and the assault was fixed for the 4th. Before daybreak, 4376 men took their appointed stations in the trench under General (afterwards Sir David) Baird, who was to have the honour of leading them. He had volunteered for this service, and had earned a kind

of right to be selected for it, by an imprisonment of nearly four years within this very fort, as one of the captives taken when Colonel Baillie’s detachment was destroyed. The troops for the assault were arranged in two columns, the one under Colonel Sherbrooke and the other under Colonel Dunlop; and the plan was, that after issuing together from the trenches, they were, on surmounting the breach, to separate, wheeling respectively to the right and left, and proceed along the rampart, so as to be able, after carrying such works as might be expedient, to meet on its eastern face. The only object of placing the men so early in the trenches was to elude observation, for it had been determined not to assault till one o’clock, at which hour the garrison, taking their usual refreshment and repose, would be most off their guard. A powerful reserve was likewise stationed under the command of Colonel Wellesley, in order to support the assault.

At half-past one, the moment fixed for the assault, General Baird, who had shortly before sent round an intimation to the troops to be ready at an instant’s warning, stepped out of the trench, and drawing his sword, called aloud, “Come, my brave fellows, follow me, and prove yourselves worthy the name of British soldiers.” In an instant both columns rushed from the trenches, entered the bed of the river under cover of the batteries, and hastened toward the breach. In six minutes the forlorn hope, closely followed by the rest of the troops, had gained its summit and displayed the British colours; in a few minutes more the breach was crowded with men. As soon as a sufficient number were collected on the rampart, they wheeled off right and left, according to the original instructions. The assault operated upon the garrison like a surprise. So little was it expected that Tippoo, after replying, in answer to some warnings given him, that an assault by day was very improbable, was seated at his mid-day repast, when intelligence of its having actually commenced, first reached him. After a very feeble resistance, they abandoned their strongest positions, and thought only of saving themselves by flight. Not a few in their terror threw themselves from the rampart, and were dashed to pieces on the rocky bed of the river. The right column, which, from the number of formidable works known to lie across its path, had anticipated a desperate struggle, in less than an hour had cleared their way along the rampart to the place of rendezvous on the eastern face of the fort. The left column made slower progress. The north-west bastion was soon gained, but all along the north rampart, the enemy—headed it is said by Tippoo in person, and posted behind traverses, which they occupied in succession—kept up a fire which killed or disabled most of the leading officers of the assailants, and repeatedly brought their front to a stand. Being reinforced by fresh troops, some of which cleared the traverses by opening a flanking fire upon them, they pushed on towards the north-east angle. Here the enemy, perceiving the approach of the right column, were thrown into the utmost confusion, and perished by thousands, either by the sword or in vain endeavours to escape.

As soon as the whole rampart was occupied, and the firing from it had ceased, General Baird deputed Major Allan to proceed with a flag of truce to the palace, and offer protection to Tippoo Sultan and all its inmates on condition of immediate surrender, at the same time threatening instant assault and death to every man within it in the event of further resistance. Major Allan having gained admission to the palace, was, after some delay, received by two of Tippoo’s younger sons, who solemnly declared that their father was not within. General Baird, on receiving this information, was not disposed to credit it, and in the hopes of inducing them to tell where he was, threatened to search the inmost recesses of the palace. Meanwhile the princes were brought away under the strongest assurances of protection, and sent off to the camp to the commander-in-chief. General Baird, after placing a sufficient guard round the zenana to prevent Tippoo’s escape, proceeded to make search for him in the other parts of the palace. The killedar in command, on being severely threatened, informed him that Tippoo had been wounded during the assault, and was lying in a gateway on the north face of the fort. He offered to point out the very spot. The information proved correct. Tippoo was indeed lying there, not merely wounded, but dead. His horse, which had been shot, and his palanquin, were first discovered. The gateway exhibited a horrid spectacle. Numbers had perished there from being trodden down or suffocated, and their dead bodies lay heaped in mass over each other. As the darkness had come on, it was necessary to examine them by torch-light. A personal attendant of the palanquin, who had escaped suffocation by creeping under it, on being informed of the object of the search, pointed out the body of his master. On being immediately recognized by the killedar and several others, and conveyed in a palanquin to the palace, where the identification was completed by the unanimous testimony of the domestics. The body showed several wounds, but the one which must have almost instantaneously proved fatal, was a musket-shot, the ball of which had entered a little above the right ear, and lodged in the left cheek, near the mouth. It was said to have been given by a soldier whom he had endeavoured to cut down when seeking to deprive him of his richly ornamented sword-belt. Tippoo’s second son, who commanded the southern face, escaped during the assault, but surrendered on the following morning, and was sent back to the palace along with his two younger brothers. His conduct on viewing his father’s corpse presented a striking contrast to theirs; he looked on with brutal apathy, while they gave affecting utterance to their grief. In the evening, the remains of Tippoo Sultan were deposited with those of his father in the superb mausoleum of the Lall Baug, situated at the eastern extremity of the island. The funeral was as splendid as Mahometan rites and European military honours could make it, and took place amid peals of thunder. The district is notorious for storms, but one so terrific as that which broke over the island at this time has seldom been witnessed.

It is impossible to feel any sympathy with Tippoo, or regret for the dynasty which closed with him. His father, who founded it, was possessed of natural talents of the highest order, but his successful career was less attributable to them than to perfidy, rapine, and bloodshed. Owing to the want of education, his faculties had never been improved nor his manners refined, and he remained to the end of his life a clever but heartless barbarian. Tippoo, less talented than his father, surpassed him only in his vices, and was even notorious for some with which his father cannot be charged. To a cruel and vindictive temper he added a fierce and relentless bigotry, which was repeatedly displayed in the devastation of whole provinces and the extermination of their inhabitants merely because they resented his forcible conversions. In the eyes of Europeans the deepest stain on his memory is the inhuman treatment of his prisoners, the horrid dungeons in which he confined them, the heavy chains with which he loaded them, and the lingering or excruciating deaths by which he cut them off when he felt them to be cumbersome, or feared the revelations which they might make after he had been compelled to set them free. In this horrid butchery he had been engaged only a short time before his capital was stormed, and the knowledge of the fact when first made known to the British soldiers had so exasperated them that they were with difficulty restrained from taking a fearful vengeance on all the members of his family and the inmates of his palace. This vengeance, which would only have punished one crime by committing another of equal atrocity, was happily prevented, but there is something like retributive justice in the fact that the assault which cost Tippoo his life and extinguished his dynasty, was headed by one who had experienced the horrors of a Seringapatam dungeon.

In the assault above 8000 of the enemy’s troops were killed. The whole number engaged in the defence was 21,839, but of these above 8000 were in the entrenchments on the island, and consequently little more than 13,000 within the fort. It thus appears that nearly two-thirds of the actual defenders must have fallen. The whole loss of the British force, during the siege and the assault, including exactly a whole month, from April 4th to May 4th, was only 1164. Of these 825 were European and 639 native troops. In the fort were found 373 guns, 60 mortars, and 11 howitzers, all of brass, and 466 guns and 12 mortars of iron, in all 929 pieces of ordnance, of which 287 were mounted on the fortifications, 424,000 round shot, 520,000 lbs. of gunpowder, and 99,000 muskets and carabines. The buildings of the fort included eleven large powder magazines, seventy-two expense magazines, eleven armouries for making and finishing small arms, two foundries for cannon, three buildings with machines for boring guns and muskets, four large arsenals, seventeen other storehouses containing accoutrements, swords, and other articles, and many granaries abundantly stored with provisions of every kind. The whole value in treasure and jewels amounted to £1,143,216. These details, copied from Colonel Beatson’s work, give a better idea of the vast resources of the Mysore capital than could be obtained from any general description. General Baird resigned the charge of Seringapatam, on the morning after its capture, to Colonel Wellesley, who was immediately after appointed permanent commandant. It is unnecessary to say that no officer better qualified for the post could have been selected, but it may be suspected, without any great breach of charity, that when the appointment was made, his great merits did not weigh so much as his relationship to the governor-general. General Baird had certainly a prior claim, and was aggrieved when another was allowed to reap the fruits of a capture which had been effected under his immediate leadership. It has been maintained, however, that he did not desire, or at least professed not to desire, the appointment. On this fact, which has given rise to some discussion, the propriety or impropriety of Colonel Wellesley’s appointment hinges. Once installed, the good effects of his management were soon apparent. By a vigorous exertion of authority, the disorder almost inevitable after a storm was speedily suppressed; the inhabitants, who had sought refuge in the neighbouring fields and villages, were induced by the restoration of confidence to return, the bazaars were well supplied, and business ere long began to flow in its usual channels. Only three days after the capture, the main street of Seringapatam, says Beatson, exhibited the appearance of a fair, rather than that of a town just taken by assault.

After the fall of the capital, the submission of the whole country was easily effected. On the 14th of May, Futteh Hyder, Kummer-u-Deen, and Purneah, who had previously intimated their readiness to surrender, waited on General Harris, and were received by him with all the honours due to their rank. The whole army being under their command immediately followed their example, and peace and order were re-established in every part of Mysore. The conquest having been achieved, the first business of importance was to settle its future government on principles of equity and sound policy. To this task the governor-general immediately addressed himself. With the concurrence of Nizam Ali, who had left the arrangements entirely to the governor-general, General Harris, Colonel Wellesley, his brother the Hon. Henry Wellesley (afterwards Lord Cowley), Colonel W. Kirkpatrick, and Colonel Barry Close, were appointed by the governor-general “commissioners for the affairs of Mysore,” with full powers, as the commission bears, “to negotiate and conclude, in my name, all such treaties, and to make and issue all such temporary and provisional regulations for the ordering and management of the civil and military government, and of the revenues of the said territories, as may be necessary for the immediate administration and settlement thereof.” Captain Malcolm and Captain Monro were appointed secretaries to the commission, and the commissioners, before proceeding to act, were to take an oath, binding them “not to disclose any of the orders or instructions” transmitted to them by the governor-general, nor to “accept, directly or indirectly,” any sum of money or other valuable thing, “by way of gift, present, or otherwise.” The commissioners, “immediately on entering on their duties,” were “to issue a proclamation notifying the restoration of tranquillity, and promising to all the inhabitants of the territories of the late Tippoo Sultan, security of person and of private property, encouraging them to resume their ordinary occupations under the protection of the allies,” and containing “the strictest injunctions, under the most severe penalties to all persons within the said territories, to abstain from acts of violence, outrage, and plunder.” In the secret instructions accompanying the commission, the governor-general announced an intention to restore “the representative of the ancient family of the Rajahs of Mysore, accompanied by a partition of territory between the allies, in which the interests of the Mahrattas should be conciliated,” and desired the necessary measures for the removal of Tippoo’s family to Vellore, which was to be their future residence. “The details,” it is said, “of this painful but indispensable measure cannot be intrusted to any person more likely to combine every office of humanity with the prudential precautions required by the occasion, than Colonel Wellesley; and I therefore commit to his discretion, activity, and humanity, the whole arrangement.” After the arrival of the family at Vellore, no “reasonable expense” was to be spared “to render their habitation suitable to their former rank and expectations,” and “a liberal pecuniary allowance” was to be given, not exceeding at the utmost, in the aggregate, four lacs of pagodas (£160,000) a year.

The 7th instruction is in the following terms:—“I have learned, with the utmost degree of surprise and concern, that the zenana in the palace of the sultan, was searched for treasure some time after the capture of the place: I could have wished, for the honour of the British name, that the apartments of the women had not been disturbed. In the heat and confusion of an assault such excesses are frequently unavoidable; but I shall for ever lament that this scene should have been acted long after the contest had subsided, and when the whole place had submitted to the superiority of our victorious arms. If any personal ornaments, or other articles of value, were taken from the women in that unfortunate moment, I trust that the commander-in-chief will make it his business to vindicate the humanity of the British character, by using the most zealous exertions to obtain a full restitution of the property in question.” The outrage so justly censured had been committed, though the circumstances were not so bad as the governor-general imagined. In an answer written immediately after the receipt of the instruction, the commissioners say—“We feel great satisfaction in being able to assure your lordship that before the zenana was searched for treasure separate apartments were prepared for the ladies, and no precaution omitted to secure them from the possibility of being exposed to any inconvenience. No treasure was found in the zenana, nor was any article whatever conveyed from thence.”

The above instructions were immediately followed by the transmission of the draft of a treaty, usually called the “Partition Treaty of Mysore,” and entitled, “Treaty for strengthening the alliance and friendship subsisting between the English East India Company Behauder, his highness the Nabob Nizam ud Dowlah Asoph Jah Behauder, and the Peishwa Row Pundit Purdhan Behauder, and for effecting a settlement of the dominions of the late Tippoo Sultan.” This treaty, to which the Company and the Nizam were the only parties, was concluded on the 22d of June, 1799, the Mysore commissioners acting as representatives of the governor-general, and Meer Allum as representative of the Nizam. It consisted of ten articles, and proceeds on the preamble that a war, rendered necessary by the unprovoked hostility of Tippoo, and his attempt “to evade the just demands of satisfaction and security,” having terminated in “the reduction of the capital of Mysore, the fall of Tippoo Sultan, the utter extinction of his power, and the unconditional submission of his people,” and the allies having “resolved to use the power which it hath pleased Almighty God to place in their hands; for the purpose of obtaining reasonable compensation for the expenses of the war; and of establishing permanent security and genuine tranquillity for themselves and their subjects, as well as for all the powers contiguous to their respective dominions,” had concluded a treaty “according to the under-mentioned articles, which, by the blessing of God, shall be binding on the heirs and successors of the contracting parties, as long as the sun and moon shall endure.”

The 1st article specified the territories which were to be ceded to the Company, and the 2d article those which were to be ceded to the Nizam. The estimated annual revenue of each, as fixed by the valuation adopted in the treaty of 1792, amounted to 537,170 canteria pagodas, equivalent, at the rate of three rupees to a pagoda, to £161,151. In addition to this common aggregate, the Company received to the value of £72,000 as the provision they undertook to pay for the families of Hyder and Tippoo; and the Nizam, in like manner, £21,000 for the personal jaghire granted within his share to Kummeru-Deen, who was to fix his future residence at Gurramconda. The Company’s districts comprehended on the west the whole of Canara, extending along the coast from the vicinity of Goa southward to Cannanore, where it joined their territory of Malabar, and on the south-west, south, and east, the district of Wynaad, forming a southern continuation of the Rajah of Coorg’s territory, nearly the whole of the Mysore territory south of the 12th degree of latitude, and two considerable tracts on the east, “together with the heads of all the passes leading from the territory of the late Tippoo Sultan to any part of the possessions of the English East India Company Behauder, of its allies or tributaries situated below the Ghauts on either coast, and all forts situated near to and commanding the said passes.” The effect of these annexations was to give the Company continuous possession from sea to sea across the southern part of the peninsula, and completely to inclose the table-land of Mysore on all sides except the north. The Nizam’s share lay on the north-east, and included the districts of Gooty, Gurrumconda, and part of the district, but not the fort, of Chitteldroog. But the 3d article made an important addition to the acquisitions of the Company, by conveying to them, “in full right and sovereignty for ever,” the fortress of Seringapatam, and the island on which it is situated.

Article 4th was in the following terms:—“A separate government shall be established in Mysore; and for this purpose it is stipulated and agreed that Maharajah Mysore Kistna Rajah Oodraver Behauder, a descendant of the ancient Rajahs of Mysore, shall possess the territory hereinafter described, upon the conditions hereinafter mentioned.” Cham Raj, the last pageant Rajah of Tanjore, having died of the small-pox, Tippoo deemed it unnecessary to continue the farce of nominating a successor. His son, who was now to be placed upon the musnud, was a child, according to Sir John Malcolm, only three, and according to Colonel Beatson, five years of age. His mother died a fortnight after his birth; but both his paternal grandmother, said to be ninety-six years of age, and his maternal grandfather were alive, as well as various other members of his family. The Brahmin, Purneah, who had been the chief financial minister of Tippoo, had so readily given in his adhesion to the new arrangements, and was known to be possessed of so much ability, that he was appointed his dewan. When the Mysore commissioners had their first interview with the rajah’s family, they found them in what Beatson calls “a condition of poverty and humiliation which excited the strongest compassion.” Thus suddenly called from a hovel to a throne, it is easy to understand that they gladly promised compliance with every condition under which they were to hold their new dignity, and were full of “gratitude and joy.” Previous to the interview the old ranee, the second wife of the rajah, who reigned at the date of Hyder’s usurpation, and another lady, who was at once the maternal aunt of the new rajah and one of his father’s widows, had addressed a joint letter to the commissioners in the following terms:—“Your having conferred on our child the government of Mysore, Nuggur, and Chitteldroog, with their dependencies, and appointed Purneah to be dewan, has afforded us the greatest happiness. Forty years have elapsed since our government ceased. Now you have favoured our boy with the government of this country, and nominated Purneah to be his dewan, we shall, while the sun and moon continue, commit no offence against your government. We shall at all times consider ourselves as under your protection and orders. Your having established us must for ever be fresh in the memory of our posterity from one generation to another. Our offspring can never forget an attachment to your government, on whose support we shall depend.” The sentiments and feelings thus expressed furnish the key to the policy which the governor-general had adopted. In a letter to the directors he says—“The heir of Hyder Ali and Tippoo Sultan, animated by the implacable spirit and bold example of his parents, and accustomed to the commanding prospect of independent sovereignty, and to the splendour of military glory, might deliberately hazard the remnant of his hereditary possessions in pursuit of so proud an object as the recovery of that vast and powerful empire which for many years had rendered his ancestors the scourge of the Carnatic, and the terror of this quarter of India.” On the other hand, “the heir of the Rajah of Mysore, if placed on the throne, must feel that his continuance in that station depends on the stability of the new settlement in all its parts; it must, therefore, be his interest to unite with cordiality and zeal in every effort necessary to its harmony, efficiency, and vigour. The effect of such an arrangement of the affairs of Mysore would not be limited to the mere destruction of the hostile power which menaced our safety; in the place of that power would be substituted one whose interest and resources might be absolutely identified with our own; and the kingdom of Mysore, so long the source of calamity or alarm to the Carnatic, might become a new barrier of our defence, and might supply fresh means of wealth and strength to the Company, their subjects, and allies.” After all the curtailments, the territories left to Mysore were larger than they had been under the rajah’s ancestors, and formed a compact continuous kingdom, yielding an estimated revenue of 1,374,076 canteria pagodas, equal to £412,222. The conditions under which the new rajah was to hold his territories were specified in what is called the “Subsidiary Treaty of Seringapatam,” to which only the Company and the rajah were parties. It bound the rajah “to receive a military force for the defence and security of his highness’s dominions,” and to pay for it to the Company “the annual sum of seven lacs of star pagodas” (£280,000). In the event of war, the rajah was to contribute towards the discharge of the increased expense such a sum to the governor-general, “to bear a just and reasonable proportion to the actual net revenues of his said highness.” To provide against any failure in the funds for payment, it was stipulated that whenever the governor-general should “have reason to apprehend such failure,” he should have “full power and right either to introduce such ordinances and regulations as he shall deem expedient for the internal management and collection of the revenues, or for the better ordering of any other branch and department of the government of Mysore, or to assume and bring under the direct management of the servants of the said Company Behauder, such part or parts of the territorial possessions” of the rajah as shall appear to him “necessary to render the funds efficient and available either in peace or in war.” In no case, however, was the rajah’s “actual receipt of annual income, arising out of his territorial revenue,” to be “less than the sum of one lac of star pagodas (£40,000), together with one fifth part of the net revenues of the whole of the territories ceded to him.” The rajah was further taken bound “to abstain from any interference in the affairs of any state in alliance” with the Company, or “of any state whatever;” to hold no communication or correspondence with any foreign state without the previous knowledge and sanction of the Company; “not to suffer, even for a day, any European foreigners to remain within the territories now subjected to his authority, unless by consent of the Company;” and to leave the Company at liberty to garrison, in whatever manner they may judge proper, such fortresses within Mysore as might seem to them advisable. Finally, the rajah gave his promise “to pay at all times the utmost attention to such advice as the English government shall occasionally judge it necessary to offer to him, with a view to the economy of his finances, the better collection of his revenues, the administration of justice, the extension of commerce, the encouragement of trade, agriculture, and industry, or any other objects connected with his highness’s interests, the happiness of his people, and the mutual welfare of both states.” A glance at the above stipulations is sufficient to show that the rajah was made a sovereign only in name, and that the government of his territories was henceforth entirely vested in the Company. As Seringapatam had been appropriated by the Company, it was necessary to select a new residence for the rajah. Mysore, the ancient capital, was fixed upon; and, on the 30th of June, the ceremony of placing the child on the musnud was performed by General Harris, in presence of the commissioners and a vast concourse of Hindoos, who rent the air with their acclamations, a royal salute from the fort of Seringapatam, and volleys of musketry from his majesty’s 12th regiment. It is rather amusing to hear Beatson talking of the deportment of the young prince, a child of three or at most five years of age, as having been, during the ceremony, “highly proper.” The investiture of Purneah as dewan was afterwards performed. Colonel Barry Close had previously obtained from the governor-general the appointment of resident at Mysore, an office for which he was considered peculiarly qualified by “extraordinary talents, proficiency in the native languages, and experience in the native manners and customs.”

In the partition treaty of Mysore there was an article to which attention has not yet been paid. In addition to the territories which were appropriated to the rajah, and the shares obtained by the Company and the Nizam, a tract in the north-west, yielding an annual revenue of 263,957 canteria pagodas (£79,186), had been reserved. This tract, which was thus equal only to a half of each of the other shares, was contiguous to the Mahratta territory. The object of reserving it is explained in the 7th article, by which it was agreed that although the peishwa “has neither participated in the expense or danger of the late war, and therefore is not entitled to share any of the acquisitions made by the contracting parties (the Company and the Nizam), yet, for the maintenance of friendship and alliance,” certain specified districts “shall be reserved, for the purpose of being eventually ceded to the said peishwa.” This cession, however, was to be made only provided the peishwa “shall accede to the present treaty in its full extent, within one month from the day on which it shall be formally communicated to him by the contracting parties;” and provided, also, “he shall give satisfaction” to the Company and the Nizam “with regard to certain points now depending” between them, and “also with regard to such points as shall be represented to the said peishwa,” on the part of the Company, by the governor-general, or the English resident at the court of Poonah. By article 8th it was stipulated that if the peishwa should refuse to accede to the treaty, or to give satisfaction on the points to which the 7th article referred, the districts reserved for eventual cession to him should rest jointly in the Company and the Nizam, who would either exchange them with the rajah for other districts of equal value, more contiguous to their respective territories, or otherwise arrange respecting them. A separate article, appended to the partition treaty, provided that, in the event of non-acceptance by the peishwa, the Nizam should have two-thirds and the Company the remaining third of the reserved districts.

The proposed cession to the peishwa was an act of great moderation, and even generosity. When the treaty was concluded with the Nizam in 1798, the governor-general offered to conclude one of a similar nature with the peishwa, who, after some negotiation, evaded the subject and simply declared that he would faithfully execute subsisting engagements. One of these was to take up arms against Tippoo in the event of his attacking any of the parties to the tripartite alliance of Lord Cornwallis; and accordingly, when Tippoo’s proceedings with the French were declared to be equivalent to a declaration of war on his part, the peishwa promised to furnish a contingent to act with the allies. It was agreed that Purseram Bhow should head this contingent, and a British detachment, similar to that furnished in the former war, was held in readiness to join him. Nana Furnavese, who, after having been imprisoned and obliged to save himself by flight, had again become prime minister, was favourable to the British connection, and urged Bajee Row to fulfil his engagement; but the influence of Dowlut Row Scindia, who was hostile to that connection, prevailed, and the Mahratta contingent never took the field. At one time, indeed, it seemed more than probable that if it did take the field it would be not to oppose but to assist Tippoo, who had sent thirteen lacs of rupees to Poonah, and seemed on the eve of effecting a Mahratta alliance. The rapidity and success with which the war was carried on disconcerted this scheme, and the peishwa, to save appearances, affected the utmost joy when he heard of the capture of Seringapatam. Such was the state of matters when a considerable portion of Mysore, contiguous to the Mahratta territory, was conditionally offered to be annexed to it. After protracted discussion the conditions were declined, and the reserved territory was shared between the Company and the Nizam in the proportions which had been previously arranged.

Shortly after the capture of Seringapatam, the district of Bednore, in the north-west of the Mysore territory, was disturbed by an adventurer of the name of Dhoondia Wagh. When in the service of the Patan or Afghan Nabob of Savanore, he had made incursions into Tippoo’s dominions, till he was made prisoner and carried to Seringapatam. A forcible conversion made him a Mahometan, and he became one of Tippoo’s soldiers. For some misconduct, or on some ground of suspicion, he had again been imprisoned, and was found in one of the dungeons when Seringapatam was stormed. The soldiers, knowing nothing of his character, set him at liberty. He fled immediately, and made a very ungrateful return to his deliverers. Being joined by some of Tippoo’s disbanded cavalry, he took the direction of Bednore. There his numbers considerably increased, and several of the principal places of the district, owing to the treachery of the commandants, fell into his hands. He immediately laid the country under contribution, devastated the finest parts of it, and spread general consternation by numerous acts of rapine and murder. At length, on the 21st of July, Colonel Dalrymple, with a light corps of cavalry and native infantry, moved against him from Chitteldroog, and having overtaken a party of his banditti, nearly exterminated it, refusing quarter, for the purpose of making a severe example. Dhoondia proceeding westward, crossed the Toombudra, and was followed by Colonel Dalrymple, who on the 30th of July took Hurryhur, on the east bank of that river. Meanwhile Colonel Stevenson, advancing with a light corps from another direction, took Simoga by assault on the 8th of August. Both corps having now effected a junction, Colonel Stevenson, as senior officer, assumed the command. Dhoondia, who had encamped in a strong position near the fort of Shikarpoor, was driven with considerable loss across a small river in his rear, and after the fort had been taken by assault, was pursued so closely, that he sought refuge within the Mahratta frontier. He might have been overtaken and destroyed, had not Colonel Stevenson’s instructions expressly prohibited him from giving umbrage to the Mahrattas, by entering their territory. Tranquillity was thus restored to Bednore, and as Dhoondia was shortly after attacked by Dhondoo Funt Gokla, a Mahratta chief, who deprived him of his elephants, camels, bullocks, and guns, it was hoped that he had been rendered incapable of future mischief. He was destined, however, as will afterwards be seen, to give new trouble.